The semantics of grammar

• -2
• Prelim pages
• p. i

• -1
• Acknowledgements
• p. v

• Table of contents
• p. vii

• 1
• Introduction
• p. 1

• 2
• 1. Language and meaning
• p. 1

• 3
• 2. Grammatical semantics
• p. 3

• 4
• 3. 'Autonomous syntax'
• p. 4

• 5
• 4. The need for a semantic metalanguage
• p. 7

• 6
• 5. The need for an integrated linguistic description
• p. 8

• 7
• 6. The proposed semantic metalanguage
• p. 9

• 8
• 7. The idea of 'ethno-grammar'
• p. 12

• 9
• 8. The philosophy of grammar
• p. 14

• 10
• 9. Universals of grammatical semantics
• p. 15

• 11
• 10. By their fruits shall ye know them
• p. 19

• 12
• Part 1: The semantics of syntax

• 13
• 1. The semantics of English complementation in a cross-linguistic perspective
• p. 23

• 14
• 1. Introduction
• p. 23

• 15
• 2. TO and 'wanting'
• p. 27

• 16
• 3. TO and opinion
• p. 45

• 17
• 4. ING and time
• p. 59

• 18
• 5. TO, ING and aspectuals
• p. 77

• 19
• 6. TO and emotion
• p. 98

• 20
• 7. FOR TO versus TO
• p. 111

• 21
• 8. THAT and knowledge
• p. 132

• 22
• 9. The subjunctive
• p. 140

• 23
• 10. Conclusion
• p. 161

• 24
• Note
• p. 168

• 25
• 2. Ethno-syntax and the philosophy of grammar
• p. 169

• 26
• 1. Introduction
• p. 169

• 27
• 2. Bodily actions and events
• p. 171

• 28
• 3. The good/bad dichotomy
• p. 210

• 29
• 4. The unknown
• p. 223

• 30
• 5. Concluding remark
• p. 233

• 31
• Notes
• p. 234

• 32
• 3. The semantics of causative constructions in a cross-linguistic perspective
• p. 237

• 33
• 1. Introduction
• p. 237

• 34
• 2. Japanese
• p. 238

• 35
• 3. English
• p. 240

• 36
• 4. Hindi
• p. 242

• 37
• 5. 'Indirect causation' in English and in French
• p. 244

• 38
• 6. Italian
• p. 246

• 39
• 7. 'Indirect causation' in Russian
• p. 248

• 40
• 8. Causation in grammar
• p. 249

• 41
• 4. The Japanese 'adversative' passive in a typological context (Are grammatical categories vague or multiply polysemous?)
• p. 257

• 42
• 1. Introduction
• p. 257

• 43
• 2. Main-verb passives
• p. 262

• 44
• 3. Some cross-linguistic comparisons
• p. 278

• 45
• 4. Conclusion
• p. 286

• 46
• Summary of Japanese constructions
• p. 289

• 47
• 5. Why can you have a drink when you can't *have an eat ?
• p. 293

• 48
• 1. Introduction
• p. 293

• 49
• 2. Periphrastic verbal construction with have defined
• p. 295

• 50
• 3. The over-all semantic invariant of the have a V construction
• p. 297

• 51
• 4. Subtypes of the have a V construction
• p. 303

• 52
• 5. Have a fall
• p. 336

• 53
• 6. Have a V versus take a V
• p. 337

• 54
• 7. Comparable constructions in other languages
• p. 341

• 55
• 8. Conclusion
• p. 343

• 56
• Notes
• p. 350

• 57
• Summary of contruction subtypes
• p. 352

• 58
• 6. The semantics of 'internal dative' in English
• p. 359

• 59
• 1. Introduction
• p. 359

• 60
• 2. Semantic constraints on the 'internal dative' construction
• p. 360

• 61
• 3. Semantic subtypes
• p. 364

• 62
• 4. Apparent exceptions
• p. 372

• 63
• 5. The semantic core
• p. 374

• 64
• 6. The semantic basis of transitivity
• p. 375

• 65
• 7. Three participants on the stage
• p. 375

• 66
• 8. A semantic common denominator
• p. 383

• 67
• 9. One semantic invariant or eight distinct subtypes?
• p. 385

• 68
• Summary of English internal dative constructions
• p. 386

• 69
• Part 2: The semantics of morphology

• 70
• 7. The meaning of a case
• p. 391

• 71
• 1. Introduction
• p. 391

• 72
• 2. Polish datives with external causes
• p. 393

• 73
• 3. Datives without external causes
• p. 415

• 74
• 4. Conclusion
• p. 426

• 75
• Summary of Polish dative constructions
• p. 427

• 76
• 8. The semantics of case marking
• p. 435

• 77
• 1. Introduction
• p. 435

• 78
• 2. The Russian accusative case
• p. 437

• 79
• 3. The Russian 'partitive'
• p. 438

• 80
• 4. The Russian genitive plural
• p. 440

• 81
• 5. The genitive marking of the accusative in Polish
• p. 447

• 82
• 6. The nominative plural in Polish
• p. 455

• 83
• 7. Conclusion
• p. 459

• 84
• 9. What's in a noun? (Or: how do nouns differ in meaning from adjectives?)
• p. 463

• 85
• 1. Introduction
• p. 463

• 86
• 2. Description versus categorization
• p. 466

• 87
• 3. The notion of 'kind'
• p. 470

• 88
• 4. Semantic nouniness and syntactic nouniness
• p. 474

• 89
• 5. Core adjectival concepts
• p. 477

• 90
• 6. Where do nouns 'come from'?
• p. 481

• 91
• 7. What are adjectives for?
• p. 483

• 92
• 8. Final illustration
• p. 488

• 93
• 9. Concluding remarks
• p. 491

• 94
• Definitions
• p. 493

• 95
• Notes
• p. 496

• 96
• 10. Oats and wheat
• p. 499

• 97
• 1. Introduction
• p. 499

• 98
• 2. Preliminary discussion
• p. 501

• 99
• 3. The logic of names of fruits and vegetables in Russian
• p. 503

• 100
• 4. Water (names of homogeneous substances)
• p. 506

• 101
• 5. Chocolate and chocolates (solids with a double status)
• p. 509

• 102
• 6. Crockery (names of heterogeneous classes of objects)
• p. 510

• 103
• 7. Scissors (names of 'dual objects')
• p. 514

• 104
• 8. A grain of rice (substances with a minimal unit)
• p. 516

• 105
• 9. Hair, noodles and apples (' singularia mostly', ' pluralia mostly' and 'edible objects')
• p. 520

• 106
• 10. Oats (names of substances composed of particles and limited in quantity)
• p. 527

• 107
• 11. Guts and woods (names of body parts and places)
• p. 535

• 108
• 12. Leftovers (names of heterogenous groups of objects and/or 'stuffs')
• p. 539

• 109
• 13. Clothing versus clothes
• p. 542

• 110
• 14. Fruit versus vegetables
• p. 548

• 111
• 15. Conclusions
• p. 553

• 112
• Summary of class meanings
• p. 555

• 113
• Conclusion
• p. 561

• 114
• Bibliography
• p. 563

• 115
• Subject and name index
• p. 585

• 116
• Index of lexical items
• p. 597